The Palistine Peace Process and Jimmy Carter

The following was offered by peace forum participant Mark Gaffney:

 

Colonization of Palestine Precludes Peace

By Jimmy Carter

TomPaine.com

 

Thursday 09 March 2006

Former US President Jimmy Carter led The Carter Center/National

Democratic Institute observation of the Palestinian elections in

January.

For more than a quarter century, Israeli policy has been in

conflict with that of the United States and the international

community. Israel's occupation of Palestine has obstructed a

comprehensive peace agreement in the Holy Land, regardless of whether

Palestinians had no formalized government, one headed by Yasir Arafat

or Mahmoud Abbas, or with Abbas as president and Hamas controlling

the parliament and cabinet.

The unwavering U.S. position since Dwight Eisenhower's

administration has been that Israel's borders coincide with those

established in 1949, and, since 1967, the universally adopted U.N.

Resolution 242 has mandated Israel's withdrawal from the occupied

territories. This policy was reconfirmed even by Israel in 1978 and

1993, and emphasized by all American presidents, including George W.

Bush. As part of the Quartet, including Russia, the U.N. and the

European Union, he has endorsed a "Road Map" for peace. But Israel

has officially rejected its basic premises with patently unacceptable

caveats and prerequisites.

With Israel's approval, The Carter Center has monitored all three

Palestinian elections. Supervised by a blue-ribbon commission of

college presidents and distinguished jurists, they have all been

honest, fair and peaceful, with the results accepted by winners and

losers.

Hamas will control the cabinet and prime minister's office, but

Mahmoud Abbas retains all authority and power exercised by Yasir

Arafat. He still heads the PLO, the only Palestinian entity

recognized by Israel, and could deal with Israeli leaders under this

umbrella, independent of Hamas control. He has unequivocally endorsed

the Quartet's Road Map. Post-election polls show that 80 percent of

Palestinians still want a peace agreement with Israel and nearly 70

percent support Abbas as president.

Israel has announced a policy of isolating and destabilizing the

new government (perhaps joined by the United States). The elected

officials will be denied travel permits, workers from isolated Gaza

barred from entering Israel and every effort is being made to block

funds to Palestinians. The Quartet's special envoy, James Wolfensohn,

has proposed that donors assist the Palestinian people without

violating anti-terrorism laws that prohibit funds from being sent

directly to Hamas.

In the short run, the best approach is to follow Wolfensohn's

advice, give the dust a chance to settle in Palestine and await the

outcome of Israel's election later this month. Hamas wishes now to

consolidate its political gains, maintain domestic order and

stability and refrain from any contacts with Israel. It will be a

tragedy - especially for the Palestinians - if they promote or

condone terrorism.

The preeminent obstacle to peace is Israel's colonization of

Palestine. There were just a few hundred settlers in the West Bank

and Gaza when I became president, but the Likud government expanded

settlement activity after I left office. President Ronald Reagan

condemned this policy, and reaffirmed that Resolution 242 remained

"the foundation stone of America's Middle East peace effort."

President George H.W. Bush even threatened to reduce American aid to

Israel.

Although President Bill Clinton made strong efforts to promote

peace, a massive increase of settlers occurred during his

administration, to 225,000, mostly while Ehud Barak was prime

minister. Their best official offer to the Palestinians was to

withdraw 20 percent of them, leaving 180,000 in 209 settlements,

covering about five percent of the occupied land.

The five percent figure is grossly misleading, with surrounding

areas taken or earmarked for expansion, roadways joining settlements

with each other and to Jerusalem and wide arterial swaths providing

water, sewage, electricity and communications. This intricate

honeycomb divides the entire West Bank into multiple fragments, often

uninhabitable or even unreachable.

Recently, Israeli leaders have decided on unilateral actions

without involving either the United States or the Palestinians, with

withdrawal from Gaza as the first step. As presently circumscribed

and isolated, without access to the air, sea or the West Bank, Gaza

is a nonviable economic and political entity.

The future of the West Bank is equally dismal. Especially

troublesome is Israel's construction of huge concrete dividing walls

in populated areas and high fences in rural areas - located entirely

on Palestinian territory and often with deep intrusions to encompass

more land and settlements. The wall is designed to surround a

truncated Palestine completely, and a network of exclusive highways

will cut across what is left of Palestine to connect Israel with the

Jordan River Valley.

This will never be acceptable either to Palestinians or to the

international community, and will inevitably precipitate increased

tension and violence within Palestine and stronger resentment and

animosity from the Arab world against America, which will be held

accountable for the plight of the Palestinians.

Acting Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and others pointed out years

ago that Israel's permanent occupation will be increasingly difficult

as the relative number of Jewish citizens decreases demographically

both within Israel and in Palestine. This is obvious to most

Israelis, who also view this dominant role as a distortion of their

ancient moral and religious values. Over the years, opinion polls

have consistently shown that about 60 percent of Israelis favor

withdrawing from the West Bank in exchange for permanent peace.

Similarly, an overwhelming number of both Israelis and Palestinians

want a durable two-state solution.

Casualties have increased during the past few years as the

occupying forces imposed tighter controls. From September 2000 until

March 2006, 3982 Palestinians and 1084 Israelis were killed in the

conflict, and this includes many children: 708 Palestinians and 123

Israelis.

There is little doubt that accommodation with Palestinians can

bring full Arab recognition of Israel and its right to live in peace.

Any rejectionist policies of Hamas or any terrorist group will be

overcome by an overall Arab commitment to restrain further violence

and to promote the well-being of the Palestinian people.

Down through the years, I have seen despair and frustration

evolve into optimism and progress and, even now, we need not give up

hope for permanent peace for Israelis and freedom and justice for

Palestinians if three basic premises are honored:

1. Israel's right to exist - and to live in peace - must be

recognized and accepted by Palestinians and all other neighbors;

2. The killing of innocent people by suicide bombs or other acts

of violence cannot be condoned; and

3. Palestinians must live in peace and dignity, and permanent

Israeli settlements on their land are a major obstacle to this goal.